May 21, 2025

States Should Chart Their Own Course on SALT Deductions

brief

Leaders in the House of Representatives have proposed extending the federal government’s temporary cap on state and local tax (SALT) deductions as a way of partly offsetting some of the costs of cutting taxes for high-income earners and highly profitable businesses. The cap, however, is likely to be made more generous than the one states have become accustomed to in recent years. Media reports indicate that House lawmakers expect to raise the cap from $10,000 in 2025 to $40,000 in 2026, with the higher cap phasing out for married couples with incomes below $500,000.

This change would have big implications for the 18 states that followed the federal government’s lead in 2018 to apply the cap in their own income tax laws,[1] as well as smaller indirect effects in several other states.[2]

FIGURE 1

While the wisdom of a federal SALT cap is hotly debated, capping deductibility at $10,000 was an unambiguously good idea at the state level. States would be smart to stick with the current cap or, better yet, go even farther and repeal SALT deductions outright. Going along with a higher federal SALT cap would double down on a regressive tax cut that will mostly benefit a small number of relatively wealthy state residents and cost states significant revenue.

To understand why this is the case, it may help to know how we got here. Until 2018, federal law allowed a tax deduction for state and local taxes paid for people who itemized their deductions. Many middle-income taxpayers at the time were itemizers, but this deduction was most lucrative for high-income people who paid relatively higher state and local taxes. In the 2017 tax law, President Trump and Republicans in Congress placed a cap of $10,000 on what people could deduct in state and local taxes. They did this to slightly reduce the cost of what overall was an extraordinarily expensive and regressive tax law, and to do so in a way that disproportionately affected residents of Democratic-leaning states and had less impact on their own constituents.

States often incorporate federal tax law changes into their own tax codes, so it’s not surprising that many states did so in this case. In fact, it was a good idea. While the new federal SALT deduction cap affected taxpayers’ ability to deduct both their state income taxes and their state property taxes, the primary effect of bringing the cap into state income tax calculations was to limit the deductibility of property taxes. That’s because, even though the federal cap covers state income taxes as well as property taxes, only a few states allow taxpayers to deduct state income taxes from state income taxes[3] – an absurd circular deduction. With state income taxes out of the calculation, most states’ SALT deductions are primarily write-offs for real estate property taxes paid. So in those states that abided by the new federal cap of $10,000, some homeowners have been able to deduct up to $10,000 in property taxes but no more.

So what happens in those states if, as House Republicans propose, the federal cap goes up to $40,000? Since raising the cap allows homeowners to deduct more property taxes, one might be forgiven for imagining that doing so would result in a meaningful form of help for those struggling to afford property taxes. It is not, because most homeowners don’t itemize their deductions and most of those who do already pay less than $10,000 in property taxes. Moreover, in states that apply graduated tax brackets, the deduction ends up being worth more, per dollar deducted, to high-income people in high tax brackets.

There are 86 million owner-occupied houses in the United States, but only about 13 million of those homeowners claim an itemized property tax deduction, according to the latest U.S. Census Bureau and Internal Revenue Service data.[4] And for most of those 13 million homeowners who do itemize, their average property tax deductions are below the $10,000 cap. (See table.) So raising the cap won’t help them.

The main beneficiaries of increasing the cap will be a small fraction of higher-income, higher-wealth households who own one or more expensive houses. (Property taxes on vacation houses are deductible, even if they’re located in another state.) Even with the $500,000 income limit proposed by House Republicans, most of the benefit from raising the cap would go to a relatively small number of taxpayers with incomes between $200,000 and $500,000 who have property tax bills above $10,000.

In general, households with incomes over $200,000 are not a group for whom property taxes are a problem. Those same IRS data suggest property taxes are more than twice as high, relative to income, for lower-income homeowners than for those with incomes above $200,000. (That’s true for renters, too, who pay taxes in the form of higher rents, but renters aren’t eligible for these deductions at all.)

The proposed new cap would take effect for tax year 2026, i.e. for taxes filed in early 2027. If it is enacted, states that conform automatically to federal tax law (“rolling conformity”) will need to act this year or early in 2026 to ensure that the new cap does not automatically reduce revenue. States that do not automatically conform (“fixed date conformity”) will likely consider a conformity bill in their 2026 legislative sessions or sooner, at which point they can elect to retain the $10,000 cap or eliminate the deduction entirely.

Helping homeowners manage their property tax bills is an important priority for states. But conforming to this federal change, if it happens, would be an expensive and inequitable approach that would provide most of its benefit precisely to the people who need it the least. Instead, states can look at other tools available to mitigate high property taxes for those who have trouble affording them, like homestead exemptions, deferral programs or, best of all, circuit breakers that ensure homeowners and renters alike are not asked to pay more property tax than they can afford.[5]

TABLE 1

Who Itemizes Their Taxes in the U.S.?

Income group Tax filers Itemizers Itemizers as share
of all tax filers
Under $100,000 122,952,000 5,753,000 4.70%
$100,000 to $200,000 25,887,000 4,746,000 18.30%
$200,000 to $500,000 10,018,000 3,330,000 33.20%
$500,000 or more 2,479,000 1,461,000 58.90%
All taxpayers 161,336,000 15,290,000 9.50%

Source: ITEP calculations from Internal Revenue Service data for tax year 2022

TABLE 2

How Much Property Taxes Do Itemizers Pay?

Income group Average income of itemizers Average real property tax deduction Average deduction as share of average income
Under $100,000 $60,000 $5,400 9.0%
$100,000 to $200,000 $141,800 $6,400 4.5%
$200,000 to $500,000 $303,700 $9,600 3.2%
$500,000 or more $1,902,300 $20,500 1.1%
All taxpayers $314,500 $8,300 2.6%

Note: Not all itemizers claim a real property tax deduction, so the average here is among those who do. Source: ITEP calculations from Internal Revenue Service data for tax year 2022.

Source: ITEP calculations from Internal Revenue Service data for tax year 2022


Endnotes

[1] In addition to the 18 states shown in Figure 1, Virginia is coupled to the cap for sales taxes only.

[2] For example, Kansas, Maine, Maryland, Oklahoma, Virginia, and the District of Columbia allow only those people who itemize their federal deductions the option to itemize at the state level as well, so a higher federal SALT cap that leads more people to itemize federally would cause revenue loss in these states even though they are not coupled to the SALT cap itself.

[3] Arizona, Georgia, and North Dakota are the only three states that conform to the SALT cap and also allow a state deduction for state income taxes paid, adding to their revenue risk. A fourth state, Hawaii, allows a deduction for state income taxes but has its own state-specific cap.

[4] U.S. Census Bureau, “Current Population Survey/Housing Vacancy Survey,” Table 4, April 2025; and Internal Revenue Service, Statistics of Income Division, “Individual Income Tax Returns with Itemized Deductions,” Publication 1304, Table 2.1, October 2024.

[5] See Kamolika Das and Rita Jefferson, “Housing Affordability and Property Taxes: How to Actually Move the Needle,” ITEP, March 2025; and Carl Davis and Brakeyshia Samms, “Preventing an Overload: How Property Tax Circuit Breakers Promote Housing Affordability,” ITEP, May 2023.



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